Download Arguments and Case: Explaining Burzio’s Generalization by Eric J. Reuland PDF

By Eric J. Reuland

The information provided by means of the contributions during this quantity originated in a workshop on Burzio’s generalization. Burzio’s Generalization (BG) states verb which doesn't assign an exterior theta-role to its topic doesn't assign structural accusative Case to an item and conversely. It connects cross-linguistic similarities among e.g. passives, elevating verbs, and unaccusatives. even if, it does so by means of linking very diverse homes of a predicate. This increases primary questions on its theoretical prestige. The contributions during this quantity discover BG’s theoretical foundation. A consensus emerges that BG is, in truth, an epiphenomenon, a result of interplay of other rules of grammar. furthermore, the contributions exhibit a outstanding convergence as to how BG is eventually derived. the consequences received make an important contribution to the extra improvement of theories of Case and thematic kinfolk.

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Additional info for Arguments and Case: Explaining Burzio’s Generalization

Sample text

Transitive psych-verbs are exceptional: Subject-selection does not pick the highest argument: (6) a. b. c. offer: 〈A1 〈A2 〈A3〉〉〉 annoy: 〈A1 〈A2〉〉 describe: 〈A1 〈A2〉〉 (6) indicates the argument-grid of three verbs. The angled bracketings indicate the ranking of the arguments, which determines the order of projecting them into the V-projection structure. Underlining signals the argument with priority for external case licensing. Note that this is different from William’s (1981) notion of external argument.

It looks like  case can’t be assigned when there’s a non-thematic subject because in most situations in which there’s a non-thematic subject, an NP governed by V+I raises to this non-thematic subject position and thus the subject and object positions are filled by members of the same chain. Similarly,  case will not generally be assigned when an NP moves into a non-thematic subject position because again the subject and object positions will belong to the same chain. Although the examples in (11)–(13) violate (8a), they are consistent with the definition of dependent case.

Stories about herselfi generally [VP ei [V′ describe heri accurately]] Since the original formulation of BG refers to the q-position of the external argument, (5a) should be an unaccusative construction, which it is not. BG, reformulated as an external-internal case dependency relation captures (5a): The verb may license the internal structural case because there is an external structural case licensed functionally. But how can we avoid the case conflict discussed above? The answer will be: The case conflict does not arise because there is an essential difference between double objects and pych-verbs in the argument grid, indicated in (6).

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