By Jessica Coon
In languages with aspect-based break up ergativity, one component to the grammar follows an ergative trend, whereas one other indicates a "split." during this e-book, Jessica Coon argues that aspectual break up ergativity doesn't mark a break up in how case is assigned, yet quite, a cut up in sentence constitution. in particular, the contexts during which we discover the looks of a nonergative development in an differently ergative language contain further structure--a disassociation among the syntactic predicate and the stem sporting the lexical verb stem.
The booklet starts with an research of break up individual marking styles in Chol, a Mayan language of southern Mexico. right here visual appeal of break up ergativity follows certainly from the truth that the innovative and the imperfective morphemes are verbs, whereas the perfective morpheme isn't really. the truth that the nonperfective morphemes are verbs, mixed with autonomous homes of Chol grammar, leads to the looks of a split.
This publication extra surveys aspectual splits in various unrelated languages and gives an evidence for the common directionality of break up ergativity: in splits, ergativity is often retained within the perfective point. Following Laka's (2006) thought for Basque, Coon proposes that the cross-linguistic tendency for imperfective points to development with locative buildings is liable for the biclausality which factors the looks of a nonergative trend. development on Demirdache and Uribe-Etxebarria's (2000) prepositional account of spatiotemporal family, Coon proposes that the perfective is rarely periphrastic--and therefore by no means comprises a split--because there's no preposition in average language that adequately captures the relation of the assertion time to the event time denoted via the perfective point.
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Extra resources for Aspects of Split Ergativity
Under this analysis, the generalization in (34) holds. 15. In the terminology of Dixon (1979, 1994) and Mithun (1991), this makes Chol a Split-S system, also discussed for Mopan in Danziger 1996. [ 44 ] Complementation in Chol (34) C HOL PERSON-MARKING GENERALIZATION a. Set A marks all external arguments (transitive subjects, unergative subjects, possessors). b. Set B marks all internal arguments (intransitive subjects, themes). 3 BASIC CLAUSE STRUCTURE, CASE, AND AGREEMENT This section provides a sketch of basic Chol clause structure, working from the bottom up.
These characteristics will be touched on brieﬂy in this section. For a more detailed overview of Chol grammar, ´ see V´azquez Alvarez 2011, as well as the other works cited there. 1 Predicate Types and Predicate Initiality In Chol, as in the majority of Mayan languages (see, for example, England 1991; Aissen 1992), predicates precede the subject in unmarked discourse, as shown by the examples in (2). As these examples illustrate, predicates in Chol are not restricted to “verbs,” but can consist of any lexical item, like the adjective in (2c) and the noun in (2d), discussed further below.
The structures for the clitic and full DP object examples in (35b–c) are represented in (36) and (37), respectively. (36) IP I tyi (37) vP v IP I tyi VP PRFV vP v VP PRFV -i V DP majl go -ety -B 2 -ITV -i -ITV V DP majl go DET woman ji˜ni x`ixik The trees in (36) and (37) further illustrate the location of the status suﬃxes, which I take to be instantiations of v0 , discussed further in chapter 3. The root undergoes head movement to the v0 head, where the status suﬃx is attached. I assume that the perfective aspect marker resides in Inﬂ0 ; see also Aissen 1992.