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By Nile Green

As a thriving port urban, nineteenth-century Bombay attracted migrants from throughout India and past. Nile Green's Bombay Islam strains the binds among industrialization, imperialism, and the creation of faith to teach how Muslim migration from the oceanic and continental hinterlands of Bombay during this interval fueled call for for a variety of spiritual providers, as Christian missionaries competed with Muslim non secular marketers for a stake within the new marketplace. Enabled through a colonial coverage of non-intervention in spiritual affairs, and powered through steam commute and vernacular printing, Bombay's Islamic productions have been exported so far as South Africa and Iran. Connecting histories of faith, labour, and globalization, the booklet examines the position of standard humans - mill arms and retailers - in shaping the call for that drove the marketplace. through drawing on hagiographies, travelogues, doctrinal works, and poems in Persian, Urdu, and Arabic, Bombay Islam unravels a vernacular modernity that observed humans from around the Indian Ocean drawn into Bombay's commercial economic system of attraction.

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Extra info for Bombay Islam: The Religious Economy of the West Indian Ocean, 1840-1915

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For as Chapter 3 traces in more detail, over subsequent decades the spread of lithography among Bombay’s other religious firms widely distributed one of the religious economy’s most important means of production. The effects of Wilson’s attacks were not only felt in the Zoroastrian corner of the emerging marketplace. 13 The first of these ‘Refutations of Muhammadanism’ appeared in 1833 in Urdu (as Musulma4nı3 dın 3 ka radiyya) and Persian (as Rad-e dın-e 3 musulma4nı). 17 Bombay’s Muslim scholars were triggered into defending Islam in both the discursive terms and informational medium set by their polemical interlocutor.

52 While his father’s response to the missionary critique was primarily intellectual and textual, Tayyibjı’s, 3 a generation later, was practical and institutional, in effect creating a means of religious productivity to mirror the schools and missionary presses of the Christians. From the late 1860s Tayyibjı3 began to involve himself with a range of social issues affecting Bombay’s Muslims, a pattern of activism that culminated in his founding of the Anjuman-e Isla4m. Tayyibjı3 himself served as its secretary for around sixteen years, though other members of the civil service and merchant elite of Gujarati Kho4ja and Bohra Muslims were also active in the organization, including his brother Qamr al-dın 3 Tayyibjı,3 who served as the Anjuman’s president (sadr) from 1876 to 1889.

On his return to Bombay from Europe, Cama began teaching the Gathas in the ‘Protestant’ mode that he had learned by studying with European scholars in 1859. 41 However, it would be a mistake to see the changes among the Parsis as affecting only themselves. For as some of the wealthiest men in the city, the ideas and institutions promoted by the Parsi merchant elite had widespread effect. 42 As with the Christian missions, the productions of the new Parsi associations were similarly powered by the new technology of vernacular and, in this case, also illustrated printing.

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