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By Shalendra D. Sharma

This e-book explores how the interaction of socio-historical, political, and financial forces has remodeled China and India into monetary powerhouses.

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Chairman Mao) every pronouncement. However (as discussed in later chapters), in the postMao era, in an effort to reduce party interference and manipulation, curb corruption, and give greater policy autonomy to subnational governments, the NPC has been allowed to take a more active role in drafting legislation, managing budgets, and monitoring policy implementation. The 1982 constitutional revision strengthened the mandate of the NPC and the State Council by opening up the decision-making process, making both more assertive (Goldman and MacFarquhar 1999; MacFarquhar 1997).

The central government (or the “Center”) is aided in its activities by some 17 million central government employees (known as Public Services), of whom some 5,000 are officers of the elite IAS (Indian Administrative Service). Although most of the senior policy makers and bureaucrats who work in the IAS are well educated, professional, and competent, the vast and sprawling underbelly of the Indian bureaucracy is anything but. This explains, in part, the huge gap between well-intentioned policies made at the top of government and the excessive bureaucracy and poor implementation that occurs at lower levels (Misra 1986).

16 In practice, this meant that although the party could arrive at all major decisions “democratically” through consultation, deliberation, and discussions with members at all levels of the party’s organs, once decisions were reached, they were to be fully supported by all members – including those who may have initially opposed them. However, as Service (2007) in his sobering 15 In the Leninist worldview, the masses generally lack the revolutionary consciousness and are therefore incapable of building socialism.

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