By David Scott
In 1949 Mao Zedong made the old proclamation that "the chinese language humans have stood up". This assertion used to be major, surely reflecting the altering nature not just of China’s self-perception, but additionally of its dating with the remainder of the area. by way of lowering the imperialist presence of the West and Japan inside China, and reasserting China’s territorial integrity and criminal sovereignty to the skin international, Mao and China can certainly be noticeable to have effectively ‘stood up’. notwithstanding, the improvement of China’s place within the hitherto Western-dominated overseas approach has been extra ambiguous. In China Stands Up David Scott examines the PRC’s presence within the foreign procedure, from 1949 to the current, and in addition appears ahead to the longer term, asking: How can we outline the increase of China? How does China see its function on this planet? What shapes China’s position? How do overseas actors view China’s position within the foreign neighborhood? Has China risen in any actual feel? enticing with a wealthy tapestry of resources and imagery, starting from governmental, media, educational and renowned settings, and bridging the divide among background and diplomacy, this booklet will entice scholars and students of either those fields, in addition to these attracted to chinese language politics and overseas coverage.
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In 1949 Mao Zedong made the historical proclamation that "the chinese language humans have stood up". This assertion was once major, definitely reflecting the altering nature not just of China’s self-perception, but additionally of its courting with the remainder of the area. when it comes to decreasing the imperialist presence of the West and Japan inside China, and reasserting China’s territorial integrity and felony sovereignty to the surface international, Mao and China can certainly be obvious to have effectively ‘stood up’.
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Additional info for China Stands Up
The PRC was very aware of its growing role, degree of international legitimacy and Great Power recognition achieved at the Geneva Conference. The People’s Daily (Renmin Ribao), 7 August 1954, article ‘Six Hundred Million’ noted ‘the Big Power status of China’ revealed at the Geneva Conference with the warning ‘imperialists, beware of knocking your heads against the “wall” built by 600,000,000 people’. With some truth the People’s Daily editorial on 22 July 1954 announced that ‘for the ﬁrst time as one of the Big Powers, the People’s Republic of China joined the other major powers .
Complete satellites . . After Korea, it would be Indo-China, then Hong Kong, then Malaya . . the situation looks very dark’ (FRUS 1976: 1368). Acheson similarly felt that the CCP leadership were ‘not looking at the matter as Chinese but as communists who are subservient to Moscow’ (1367). Bevin begged to differ, telling the Commonwealth Prime Minister’s meeting in 1951, that ‘he himself did not regard China as a satellite of Russia’ (DBPO 1991: 290). Attlee’s perspective was also a different one from Acheson.
China could be seen as a challenge to the very stability of the, admittedly Western-dominated, international system. Consequently, ‘mutual suspicion and mistrust’ perceptions (and misperceptions) were apparent between China and the United States, and with it ‘a process of action and reaction’ (Zhang Yongjin 1998: 49) which hardened positions. Mutual fears were exacerbated, whilst the zero-sum character of Cold War bipolarity meant that America’s loss was Moscow’s gain. Genuine threat perceptions were felt by China from the USA with IR security dilemma (Zhang Shu 1994: 289) spirals apparent, as each seemed to conﬁrm the worst fears of the other.